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Friends,

Neil Giuseppi posted a small extract from my one-and-a-half days
defence address to the court martial I (and some 40-odd other
soldiers) faced for the mutiny, the anniversary date of which was
April 21.
Those of you who know little or nothing of those events may find this
snippet (the closing paragraphs) interesting. Those who remember or
were part of the "revo", enjoy the memories.

Raf

LEST WE FORGET

Every year on this day I take the opportunity to remind the nation of
a very significant period in the history of Trinidad and Tobago.
It was on this day, April 21st 1970 that the Government declared a
State of Emergency in a bid to quell what became known as “The Black
Power Revolution.”
Several young men and women were arrested and taken to Nelson Island
where many of them remained imprisoned for several months.
Among the leaders of the Revolution were Makandal Daaga (Geddes
Granger) and Khafra Kambon (Dave Darbeau), all University students who
began the struggle against what they saw as the many inequalities in
the social and political systems in Trinidad and Tobago.
Regardless of what political or other position one may wish to take 49
years after, there can be no doubt that the struggle by these young
men and women and many thousands of their supporters, influenced much
positive change in Trinidad and Tobago and, as a nation, we must thank
them for their tremendous contributions to our nation’s development.
Several of our soldiers were arrested and charged with treason and faced a
Court Martial headed by soldiers brought to Trinidad from nations all
around the world.
At the Court Martial, an address was delivered which I have always
considered to be “must-read” literature for any serious student of
political history.
The Address was by Raffique Shah (then a Sandhurst-trained Lieutenant
in the Trinidad and Tobago Regiment) whose name will forever be linked
with the 1970 Revolution.

RAFFIQUE SHAH’S ADDRESS TO THE COURT MARTIAL

12 -13 January, 1971
Town Hall, Port of Spain

“Mr. President, I am a soldier, and as such I am subject to Military
Law. I am also a citizen of this country and I am entitled to the
rights of a citizen. As an officer, I am empowered to make
decisions—decisions where life and death matter. This is why an
officer is commissioned in the Armed Forces. He is considered
responsible enough to make such decisions that may result in thousands
or maybe millions of people either being saved or killed. In every
situation that an officer finds himself, he should make an evaluation
and adopt the course of action that he considers best. …
My actions on April 21 [1970] and subsequent days were geared towards
resolving a very explosive and potentially dangerous situation by the
use of minimum force. … I was faced with a situation that would
inevitably lead to violence, maybe even the loss of life. This was a
situation that had a direct bearing on the entire population of this
country. I made my evaluation and chose the course I considered best.
… In our case, [the mutiny] did bring results. An inefficient Regiment
commander was fired, a Minister responsible for the Army was relieved
of his portfolio, an Inquiry was set up to look into the
Administration of the Regiment …

Mr. President, members of this Court, the judgement you hand down in
this trial, though it will affect me physically, is not the most
important thing to me. This is because I am not really on trial. The
T&T Regiment is on trial; the Government of Trinidad and Tobago is on
trial; but most of all, you, Mr. President and members of this
Honourable Court, are on trial. The eyes of the world, especially the
Third World, are focused on you. Millions of people are closely
following the proceedings of this Court. I have already faced trial.
The people of this country, as elsewhere in the world, have judged me,
and I have been absolved of any crime. My judges were not five, but
millions. … And the people I refer to are not the elite … I do not
need that type to judge me, nor do I appeal to them for their support.
The people I refer to are the masses of our population – the workers,
the civil servants, the students, the teachers, the labourers and the
unemployed. They are the ones I am interested in, and now that I am
confident of their impartial judgement, I consider myself free. My
conscience is clear. I have done my duty to my soldiers, my people.
If, however, in your deliberations, Mr. President, you reject what I
have said about the administration of Teteron prior to April 21, I am
not like the Commander of the Defence Force … who is not man enough to
speak the truth on behalf of his soldiers. I consider myself a
professional soldier. I hope I shall never sink to the depths of
having to betray my soldiers. I condone their actions and take full
responsibility for them. …
To paraphrase Cuban national hero José Marti, in the world there must
be a certain degree of decorum, just as there must be a certain amount
of light.
When there are many men without decorum, there are always others who
bear in themselves the dignity of many men. These are the men who
rebel with great force against those who steal the people’s freedom,
that is to say, against those who steal human dignity itself. …
Mr. President, members of the Court, the people, the masses of the
population have already chosen; it is now your turn to choose. Hanging
over me are the threat of death and the threat of jail. Should I get
down on my knees and beg you to spare my life? Should I prevail upon
you to set me free while my brother officer, Lt. David Brizan, is in
jail? No, Mr. President. If jail is the only place where men of
decorum must be sent to, then let me remain there. Jail for me will be
as hard as it has been for any one. In that institution, there are
constant cowardly and shameless attempts to dehumanise inmates. But
when a man stands up for human dignity against a regime of tyrants, he
has to expect such repressive measures against him. If in this
society, men like Serrette, Bloom, Christopher and Spencer are
considered heroes, then let me remain a prisoner, detached from
society. If freedom means accepting the violation of human rights, if
freedom means accepting injustices, then I choose confinement. To live
in conditions as exist in the army at present is to live in disgrace.
The authorities have sought to refer to me by many names—criminal,
revolutionary, adventurer. Mr. President, if by taking up arms on
April 21, 1970 to avert inevitable disaster in the Regiment, and maybe
in the country, I committed a crime, then I am a criminal. If leading
my soldiers at a time when they needed leadership most is a crime,
then I am a criminal. If seeking better conditions in the Regiment and
a better army for Trinidad is a crime, then I plead guilty. If by
standing up for the truth, for human dignity, I committed a crime,
then I am a criminal…

Throughout history, whenever men have sought to oppose injustices,
they have been exiled, jailed or even put to death. When one so much
as voices opinion against the establishment, one must be prepared to
face death. Some of the greatest men in history, especially in the
Third World, have been imprisoned for fighting for the rights of their
people. So what if I am sent to jail for fighting for my soldiers and
my people? Leaders like Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, Mahatma Gandhi,
Nehru, and many others were jailed by our white colonial masters. …
[In] apartheid South Africa, brother Nelson Mandela is serving a
lifetime in jail. In racist USA, Sister Angela Davis and Brother Bobby
Seale are among blacks facing brutality of white jails. In Rhodesia,
millions of our brothers and sisters are in a state that can be
considered a huge concentration camp. In Trinidad, we have 50 black
soldiers being held in prisons by our Afro-Saxon Ian Smith.
Mr. President, when the authorities refer to me as a revolutionary,
they flatter me. A revolutionary is the highest form of the human
species; a revolutionary is higher than man, and yet a most humble
human being. Few men in history have achieved this status.
A revolutionary seeks change for the better; he goes all out to
achieve this change, regardless of the threat of death. Among the
earliest revolutionaries was Jesus Christ, and what change he brought
about! Many have followed—Mahatma Gandhi in India, Malcolm X in the
USA and Ché Guevara in Latin America. So you see why they flatter me
when they refer to me as a revolutionary. Maybe like Ché, and in his
words, I’m more of an adventurer – only of a different sort—one of
those who would risk their lives to prove what they believe. On the
morning of April 21, 1970, I risked my life, and even today as I stand
here before you, I’m risking my life. …
Mr. President, members of the court, if you sentence me to death, then
I die in glory. I die with the confidence that many have heard my
cries and will stand up and defy repression. You may condemn me, but
the masses have already absolved me. You may take away my liberty, but
the masses of this country have already set me free. Just as I stood
by my soldiers on April 21, I stand by them now. I was prepared to die
then and I am even more prepared to die now. I have my convictions. I
stand by them. Change in the army is inevitable, and no amount of …
cheap decorations can stop that. I stand before you proud of my
actions, my bid to bring about that change, my bid to give the people
of this country a professional army. I have tried to be a man and for
this crime I was imprisoned. Mr. President, members of this honourable
court, if I cannot live like a man, then let me die like one.”

End of Address.



I added the following comment: Neil Giuseppi, thanks for posting this
tiny extract from the closing stages of my defence speech. A few
points. I was 25 yrs young and Rex Lassalle and I were in solitary
confinement in the POS prison when we wrote our speeches. I delivered
mine over one and a half days. Speech notwithstanding, I was sentenced
to 20 years imprisonment. Rex and I won our appeals both in the local
court of appeal and Privy Council. After 27 months in jail, we led our
men to freedom on July 27, 1972.

Impressive Speech and inspiring in the circumstances. So you were an officer in charge of quelling the revo? Care to share some more details? Has any thinking changed?

In reply to jacksparrow

This article was sent to me by my cousin who like Rafiique Shah is a Sandhurst trained Army officer.At Sandhurst they pride themselves as being men of Honor and Integrity and will tell you that they will disobey an UNLAWFUL ORDER.

what is it about july 27 and the TiTs?

In reply to Dukes

But somehow the hundreds of UAE and Saudi royals dont take ‘honour’ from Sandhurst. Strange. Almost like it’s a personal choice.

In reply to cricketest

July 27,1990...Raffique's brother was involved in the coup under Abu Bakr

In reply to Dukes

I was living in T&T at the time - it was something else

In reply to Dukes

Just wow!

The logic and perspective alone is euphoric...

We have so much homegrown influence that could be used to positively shape society but no one seems to be interested in perpetuating the proponents simply because they were mostly viewed as 'revolutionaries'.

Men like Kwamie Ture/Stokley Carmichael , Dagga/Geddes Granger and Darcus Howe also come to mind ...

A revoloutionairy kinda people.

In reply to Chrissy

My mom was pregnant with me at the time.

She always spoke about "Black power 1970" and how scary it was..now we talk about 1990 lol but our people aren't savages,even 1990 it was quickly resolved..

No massacre here..

The labour riots of the 30's, precursor to black power was also revoloutionary and featured great men..

And probably the most bloody and ugly of all events, massa wasn't pleased.

Trinidad a predominantly black country,Afros and Indos almost identical percentage with each about 40%.A predominantly black government in power since the mid 50s led by Eric Williams a man described as the messiah by half of TTs population,the Afro half may I add.
I have always wanted to ask,"who was this Black Power uprising directed against",was it against the rich people of TT or the predominantly Afro majority ruling party led by the great Dr.E Williams or the wealthy elite of TT,we all know who they are.I will never understand why a Black Power Movement in TT,please tell me who was responsible for the sufferings of the Afro population of TT that it required a Revolution of sorts,or were the Afro population suffering because of a lack of opportunities,jobs,education,housing or were they suffering racism and not being treated equally,who was responsible if that was the case.
I need to be corrected if corrections are to be made.
The question that needs answering is,who were the oppressors of the people such that it required a Black Power Uprising.I totally understand Black Power in the USA but TT,that is difficult to understand.

In reply to granite

Black power represented Indians also and they were a big part of it and featured prominently in many aspects of it,Raffique Shah? The colonial offspring were the only ones advancing in society because they were the only ones given the opportunities,black power changed that for all darker peoples,including Indian and Mixed.

And Williams was anointed 'Father of the Nation' purely from the sense that he witnessed it's birth and raised it for all,and that's undeniable,and no father is perfect..

In reply to Halliwell

Scoundrels are everywhere indeed. The most venerable institutions have had them so Sandhurst not being an exception is no surprise.

In reply to granite

Please ignore that idiot bravos..he just brays

Raffique Shah trained at Sandhurst did not like the corruption he saw in the Coast Guard, Regiment etc, thus he lead an unsuccessful attempt. He didn't care about anything else and followed his training about things unlawful.

Few Indians joined Black Power in 1970

Bhadase Sagan Maharaj had 10 guns ready if they went on his property, Eastern main Road as they walked by.He was the leader of the Indians and wanted no part of it.
He is Sat Maharaj father in Law.

In reply to granite

Read this also

The leaders of the Movement failed to cite injustices suffered by Hindus and Indians in the multi-ethnic Trinidad society. Indeed, it should have been Indians more than Africans who should have complained about inequalities and injustices. Discrimination against the Hindu community in the failure to appoint a Hindu as a Cabinet Minister under the PNM Government since 1956 would have been a good case to make on a public platform to attract Indians to the Movement.

If Indians were to lead a demonstration against the various forms of social injustice from which they suffer, they would be met with the cry of "race" and "racialism"- a criticism which was never hurled against the Black Power Movement by Indians.

East Indians and the Black Power Revolution

In reply to Dukes

Indeed.
The genesis of Cambridge was due to some ex Oxford scholars coming to realise that more than a few of their fellow graduates had gone rogue, and the former should then create a new standard.

In reply to bravos

Since you are posting something you know little off, show me the proof? Please try and read what Shah was about, you may learn something.

Also, how about the commish and 29% less murders ?

You must enjoy looking stupid on this forum.

In reply to sgtdjones
I know very little about the movement so I ask a couple questions,what I do know is,that some relations have told me that more than a little violence was carried out against some Indos and their businesses.I would like to believe that was not the idea by the Black Power Movement,but there will always be idiots willing to take matters into their own hands.Lastly,what did it achieve,how many Afro men and women in TT are willing to ditch the white man's surname and adopt an African surname,learn one of the languages of Africa,dress code and such.My guess is not many want much to do with African culture,Afros in Trinidad have more Indian culture than Afro.

STDJones and his copy and paste out of context bullshit again.

My mom and all her family are Indian from Santa Cruz and San Jaun and that's where I get my Black Power/Indian lessons from.

Typical of the agenda driven divisive whoring forum leggo-beast to bring shim nasty ways to such a dignified discussion.

Shame-proof fake refugee selling out his country for the 'privilege' to pick massa strawberries .

Pleh.

In reply to granite

If you read what I have posted you will get a better understanding of what occurred.

bravos is clueless as usual.I hope his family isnt as duncy as he is ...

Yes, the Indians had no part of this Black power movement.
Those that did had very little status within the Indian community.

The individual that controlled the Indians was multimillionaire Bhadase Sagan Maharaj, and he asked
all Indians to avoid such.He started the Hindu schools with his own money as the Government said NO.Eventually
he built 12 schools for the Indian Population.

He then had a meeting with Eric Williams as Williams wanted to talk to him. Williams noted in his book , Bhadase before he sat down at Whitehall took two revolvers out of his pocket laid it on Williams table and asked what do you want to talk about ?.
He told Williams if any Black Power person comes on his property he will shoot them, and he laid out the guns as they went by .

The Black Power movement lost the support of the Indians after a few of their businesses were burnt down and kids were killed in the fires at the initial stage.

The Indian Culture has 5,000 years behind it , when the indentured workers came, it was the only thing that kept them together. In our village in Moruga we had a few muslim families that were more hindu than the pandits.
These workers kept their tradition and built on it thru their kids.

The African population were at sea , lost. The British taught them their religion, language so they lost that part of their heritage. They had no connection to Africa,
Even the archives didn't show where they came from, the Indians archives showed the boats etc.
That was sad for the African slaves kids, no heritage
to build on, the destructive part of Slavery. What ever the first generation were taught taken away by the British.

The mostly Hindu and Muslim labourers were required to work seven and a half hours a day, six days a week for three years, receiving about 13 cents a day for their work. In 1844, the period of indenture was extended to five years with a guarantee that, if they wished, they would get a free passage home at the end of their service.

The Indians wanted to celebrate Hosay.
The decision by the authorities to prohibit the Indians from entering the towns with their processions, which began, on the estates ‘were regarded by the Indians as an arbitrary and unjust measure’. The Indians protested with a petition led by the Hindu Sookhoo and 31 others.

At midday the first procession of 6,000 was sighted approaching San Fernando reaching Cross Crossing about 2:30 pm and proceeded along to the entrance of Cipero Street.At the Mon Repos Junction of the Princes Town and Circular roads a similar fate was to meet the Indians there. The procession was in sight about 3:30 pm. Captain Baker gave the order to fire a single volley of bullets after the Riot Act was read.

History notes that a figure of 22 dead, and over a hundred injured.

The Hindu's and Muslim did not allow such to stop them even though the British massacred them. They kept the heritage taken from India and their kids kept it alive till today.

Lecturer: Never forget the Hosay massacre

In reply to bravos

If you could read , it becomes easy to copy and paste,
you would learn something and not post crap.

Keep living in your illiterate bubble carrying lies and innuendos that you make up...

Notice, I post links to back up facts.
So many occasions, I have made you look stupid yet you persist.