T&T’s Survival and the Limits of Regional Solidarity
Regional responses to crises in the 1970s and early 1980s exposed stark disparities in philosophy and leadership. Dr. Eric Williams, who prioritized sovereignty and independence, turned down Venezuelan aid during Trinidad's Black Power Revolution in 1970. In contrast, Grenada and the OECS requested U.S. intervention in 1983 following the overthrow of Maurice Bishop, citing security concerns, political instability, and Cuban influence. The justification for President Ronald Reagan's participation was his opposition to socialism and support for democracy. As regional politics have changed, many Caribbean states have continued to rely on outside assistance, especially from the United States, to maintain stability.
Recently, Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar called Caricom an “unreliable partner,” saying it “chose Venezuela over Trinidad.” Her remarks underscored an enduring reality: when national and regional interests diverge, unity often falters. This weakness has already been documented in history, with the fall of the West Indies Federation serving as the most notable example, followed by CARICOM and CARIFTA. At 52, Caricom remains the main mechanism for integration but has yet to fulfill its founding goals. Unless it grows into a model of genuine solidarity, it risks being more aspiration than reality.
To its credit, Caricom members rally around one another in times of natural disaster. The region’s disaster response, through CDEMA, has demonstrated true cooperation, as seen in aid to Haiti, Dominica (2017), the Bahamas (2019), and now Jamaica after Hurricane Melissa. Yet beyond disaster relief, unity largely fades, especially in matters of security.
Drugs, firearms, gangs, and illegal migration pose distinct threats to Trinidad and Tobago that are not shared by the majority of its neighbours. Despite regional mechanisms like IMPACS and the RSS, practical help to T&T has been minimal. Waiting for regional agreement is no longer an option as the violence intensifies and more people are killed. The United States' assistance in addressing our crisis should not be seen as betrayal, but rather as a survival tactic.
T&T’s challenges differ sharply from much of the Caribbean, save for Jamaica. In the meantime, Maduro's aggression against Guyana by Venezuela serves as a reminder of the true limits of regional power. In that context, partnering with the U.S., even allowing naval presence in our ports, makes strategic sense. Strengthened ties could enhance both our security and economic prospects, serving as a deterrent to external threats while supporting national development.
Caricom's ideal of unity is still admirable, but action must follow. Perhaps the idea of a united Caribbean community is more fiction than reality if our regional allies are unable to assist us during actual emergencies. As Roosevelt warned, “To educate a man in mind and not in morals is to educate a menace to society.” The same could be said for nations: principles mean little without the will to act.
Sarge