Elections called in T& T

In reply to Prako

That is such a great analytical response- thank you.
A real change from the tired tripe from emir

In reply to Prako

I can’t fault them for management of natural resources. Neither of the economy. Within three months of their tenure the country had run out of money. By last year the IMF said that the economy was the strongest it had been in a decade (and which will hopefully be replenished by gas from Venezuela at some point in the near future). This too with natural gas resources that had been declining since the end of 2009(by 2014 we had a chronic shortage). On crime, I’ve felt they’ve been too soft, but as I stated, you cannot grow People’s children for them. The fmr PM was castigated for saying people were raising monsters( in either 2016 or 17). I don’t think anybody can or will argue that he was wrong today

In reply to Jumpstart

Well said.

In reply to sgtdjones

Also. First things first. The vast majority of children in Canada and Toronto especially have two parents. Let’s start there. Just by virtue of having two parents, no matter how broke you are, the chances of producing a criminal decreases significantly. Nobody will deny the vast majority of bandits in Trinidad and Tobago come from broken families. Canada doesn’t have that problem generally. And we both know TT has a lot of broken families

In reply to Prako



I would give them a fair (C C+) rating, but agree with some of the other sentiments re the mentality of TnT people always looking for an easy way out. We often find it easy to criticize, but don't always put in the hard work needed to fix things! The society will always struggle to fulfill it's potential as long as the wedge between 2 major ethnic groups continue to widen. The group not in power politically, will typically try as far as possible to retard progress, hoping that this will help them at the polls.

The bigger problem, in my opnion, is less discussed but absolutely needs to be addressed:

The Relative Impotence of the Executive
We demand efficiency in government, yet when competent managers from the private sector, whether local or foreign, are brought in, they often find themselves ineffective. They can't hire or fire, they can draft budgets but have little power to implement them, and while the responsibility ultimately rests on their shoulders, they remain largely powerless. Naturally, some settle in and enjoy the perks, while others grow frustrated and leave.

This dysfunction is rooted in the service commissions—a framework established post-independence in 1962. Those commissions were introduced to protect public servants from political interference, ensuring that appointments, promotions, transfers, and disciplinary actions were based on merit rather than favoritism. Given the deep-seated political and ethnic divisions at the time, this degree of separation from the executive was seen as a necessary safeguard.

Fast forward to today, and the effects of this structure are clear: a weakened executive. Take, for example, the issue of crime.

The Police Service Commission selects the Commissioner of Police, yet it is well known that elements within law enforcement—police and customs officers—facilitate the narco trade, tipping off gang leaders about impending operations. Even the Commissioner has limited power to discipline corrupt officers and other miscreants under his perview. At best, he can transfer them to other posts or report them to the Police Service Commission, but his authority stops there.

In this scenario, blaming the Minister of National Security or expecting a swift reduction in gang-related crime is an exercise in self-deception. The degree of separation between the minister/executive and the problem is unbridgeable. The problem isn't one of political will—it is systemic. Until there is a serious reassessment of how governance functions in Trinidad and Tobago, the executive will continue to bear responsibility for issues they have little control over.

In reply to Jumpstart



Jumpy...

The differences in family structures and their correlation with crime rates can be complex and influenced by various social, economic, and cultural factors. Some key points regarding Canada, particularly Toronto, and Trinidad and Tobago (TT):
In Caribbean communities, Jane/Finch, the same problem that is affecting T&T applies here. It's just imported, yet they have access to all programs.
Canada: ~9.6% child poverty rate
Trinidad and Tobago: ~26.5% child poverty rate
These figures indicate a significant disparity in child poverty rates between the two countries, reflecting differences in economic conditions, social support systems, and overall family stability. Addressing child poverty is crucial for improving outcomes for children in both nations.
Addressing child poverty in Trinidad and Tobago requires a multifaceted approach, focusing on improving economic opportunities, enhancing access to education and healthcare, and strengthening social support systems. These efforts are crucial for breaking the cycle of poverty and creating a more equitable society.

Two-Parent Households:

Two-parent families may contribute to a nurturing environment, potentially reducing the likelihood of children engaging in criminal activities.

Socioeconomic Factors:
Economic stability plays a crucial role in crime rates. Canada, with its robust social safety nets and economic opportunities, may provide better conditions for families compared to TT, where socioeconomic challenges can be more pronounced.
In TT, higher rates of poverty and unemployment can lead to increased crime, as individuals may resort to illegal activities out of economic necessity.

Cultural Context:
Cultural attitudes towards family and crime can differ significantly. In TT, there may be a higher tolerance for certain behaviours due to various socioeconomic pressures.
Additionally, social norms and support systems in Canada may promote healthier family dynamics and discourage criminal behaviour.

Access to education, healthcare, and social services in Canada is generally more comprehensive, supporting families in need.
This access can mitigate some of the factors that lead to criminal behaviour.
In contrast, limited access to such resources in TT can exacerbate family instability and contribute to crime.
Strong community networks in Canada may help families cope with challenges, providing support that can deter criminal behaviour.
In TT, communities facing high levels of crime may struggle to offer the same level of support, perpetuating a cycle of instability.

While having two parents can reduce the likelihood of criminal behaviour, it is essential to consider the broader context that includes socioeconomic conditions, cultural influences, and access to resources.
The differences between Canada and TT highlight how these factors interplay to affect family dynamics and crime rates.
Addressing these issues requires a multifaceted approach, focusing on improving economic conditions, educational opportunities, and community support systems.
Canadian leadership at various governmental levels provides such opportunities; such is lacking in T&T.
See how simple it is, with the leadership that is required.

In reply to sgtdjones

We didn’t have as many single households in the 70s and 80s. Hence crime rates were extremely low. But you’re right in that stable families are not the only issue when coming to crime and criminality

And even though we were still influenced by cultures, in my opinion inferior to ours in many ways, those cultures were not as violent either. Gangster rap and extremely violent dancehall that glorified violence weren’t even in existence in those days. In fact the 1980s, even though I wasn’t born then could rightly be said to be a cultural revolution, not only in TT, but all across the eastern Caribbean, especially in. Barbados. A teenager in the 80s wouldn’t just think the only West Indian authors were Derek Walcott and VS Naipaul. They’d be exposed to many more Caribbean writers, some weren’t even English speaking writers, like Aime Cesaire of Martinique and Nicholas Guillen of Cuba. The impact of that kind of upbringing on producing productive, upstanding citizens cannot be overstated or underestimated. Now, you have fellas singing about spraying up entire corners with gunfire. And then you expose the most vulnerable children and young adults to that sort of thing and what do you expect, certainly not a society of saints.

In reply to notinsular


yip.

In reply to Jumpstart

Jumpy

Let's look at Canada for a moment...

Crime and Social Changes in Canada
It’s undeniable that crime in Canada has shifted over the past few decades. Statistics Canada’s crime severity index (CSI), for example, shows an upward trend in certain types of violent crimes, such as gun-related violence and carjackings, particularly in urban areas. These are real issues that Canadians are noticing, and it's fair to say they represent a departure from the relative calm of the past.

There are other contributing factors that cannot be ignored. For instance, increases in crime often correlate with economic uncertainty, housing instability, and systemic inequalities. The rise in gang violence, for example, is more closely tied to youth unemployment, lack of community programs, and the lucrative nature of the illicit drug trade than to cultural or ethnic factors.

Immigration and Cultural Shifts
The concern about immigrants bringing “hatred and vengeance” from their countries of origin is a sensitive topic, but let's address it head-on. It’s true that immigration can lead to cultural tensions, especially when people bring deeply rooted conflicts or grievances with them. For example, Canada has seen protests or conflicts tied to international issues, such as the Khalistan movement or tensions stemming from Middle Eastern politics. These incidents can create discomfort among Canadians who fear such conflicts might disrupt the country’s peace.

However, these examples are exceptions rather than the rule. This doesn’t mean cultural integration is seamless—there are challenges, like differing values or norms

Single Mothers and Social Structure
The rise in single-parent households, particularly those led by mothers, is a demographic trend observed in many Western nations, including Canada. It’s a valid concern to discuss the social and economic challenges faced by these families, as single mothers are statistically more likely to experience poverty and housing insecurity, which can have downstream effects on their children.

However, it oversimplifies a complicated problem to imply that this directly causes an increase in crime. Research indicates that structural factors, such as poverty, illiteracy, and limited access to social services, are more strongly associated with crime than familial factors. Blaming single mothers risks ignoring the broader societal systems that fail to support families in need.

Canada’s proximity to a country with higher rates of gun violence, crime, and cultural influence is well taken. There’s no denying that some aspects of American culture—particularly its glorification of guns and violence in media—can seep across the border. However, Canada’s stricter gun laws and stronger social safety nets have historically provided a buffer against replicating the American model.
Nevertheless, there is evidence linking illegal firearms smuggled from the United States to some of the increased gun violence in Canada. This is a significant problem that needs to be addressed. However, it would be more fruitful to examine the policy gaps that could be addressed, such as border enforcement and community-based violence prevention programs, rather than portraying this as Canada giving in to American influence.

It all goes back to the people we elect in Parliament.