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20 years ago - I remember well - West Indies was playing India at Sabina

Two good men

In reply to Chrissy


Michael "Joshua" Manley
“The Word Is Love”

by Ewart Walters

It was the West Indies' darkest day. It was also the longest. All day on Thursday March 6, 1997, family members of Jamaica's most lustrous personality gathered round the St. Andrew bedside of Michael Manley as he drifted into the penultimate hours of his final struggle - a mortal combat between his clear, incisive mind and the insurgent prostate cancer that was known to have engaged him some six years earlier.

As the lengthening hours closed in on midnight (o lente lente currite noctis equi), with some 15 minutes left before the new day, the struggle ended and Jamaica's most persuasive voice was stilled. With his family and close friends around his bedside, Michael Manley, 72, journalist, trade unionist, politician, author, prime minister, horticulturalist, lecturer, Third World leader, anti-apartheid fighter, sports enthusiast, cricket writer, and a towering beacon of hope and enthusiasm for millions of his countrymen at home and abroad, lay dead.


It was a remarkable day for it had also begun with death. Before the day was 30 minutes old, the President of Guyana, Cheddi Jagan, 78, son of indentured labourers from India, had been pronounced dead in a U.S. hospital from a heart attack.

To further mystify matters, that dark Thursday was the first day of the First Test match between the West Indies and India who were opening their 1997 tour at Sabina Park in Kingston. The West Indies team then was made up almost entirely of players of African descent and so it was something of a struggle between Africa and India – the old world, in the new. But with the West Indies first innings faltering at the close of the first day's play, Manley, the cricket writer, on his deathbed in St. Andrew would have felt that, against India, the West Indies should have done much better. Was there anything left to live for?

Ironically, Manley's death was reported in Canada by the Toronto Star before the venerable Gleaner, Jamaica's leading and oldest newspaper. Philip Mascoll, a Jamaican reporter at The Star, received a call and quickly added the necessary final details to the story he had written a few weeks before. His story was on The Star's front page on March 7. The Jamaica Observer ran a second edition in the afternoon of Friday March 7 to tell of the death. The Gleaner did not report it until Saturday March 8, although the body of an obituary had been pre-written and left standing months before.

As expected, the electronic media were quickly on to the news, the Jamaica Broadcasting Corporation informing its audience shortly after 1.00 a.m. on March 7.

Although only six years separated them in age, in politics Jagan and Manley were not exactly contemporaries. When Manley was in power in Jamaica, his Guyanese counterpart was Lyndon Forbes Burnham, Jagan=s political colleague-turned-rival, on whose shoulders the British and Americans conspired to place the mantle of the leadership of Guyana because Jagan (in the 1950s) professed communism. Indeed, it would be 28 years before Jagan returned to hold the reins of power, and by then, Manley had retired. Like Jagan, Manley attracted unfavourable attention from the United States. Again the Americans tried to blame their actions on "communism."

However, despite his friendship with Fidel Castro – among other world leaders including Pierre Trudeau and Brian Mulroney of Canada, Olaf Palme of Switzerland, Carlos Andres Peres of Mexico, and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania – Manley himself was never a communist. All the time that he was being painted by the media as "left-leaning" or being "pals with Fidel Castro", Manley steadfastly maintained in Jamaica all the institutions of democracy along with the two-party system and democratic elections. He maintained his pro-democratic stance even while he was the target of two assassination attempts in the mid-1970s, which Penthouse Magazine credited to the CIA in a December 1977 article by investigative journalists Ernest Volkman and John Cummings, under the headline, "Murder As Usual."

And what was Manley's "sin"@ What caused his downfall? Why did he attract the rapt attention of right-wing America and the CIA? Mostly his style, but also his reach. In 1974, Eric Williams of Trinidad and Tobago, Burnham of Guyana and Tom Adams of Barbados all joined Manley to clamour for Cuba's admission to the Organization of American States. They all increased their diplomatic relationship with Cuba. But only Manley paid the price. For Manley, a spell-binding orator who once declared that he would "dismantle capitalism brick by brick," was at once blessed and cursed with exceptional personal magnetism and charisma.

But his "sin" was greater than that, for he championed the cause of the poor and downtrodden. And, unlike most of today's politicians, he didn't do so merely with words. His record of socio-economic legislation for the benefit of the poor and marginalized in Jamaica=s post-colonial society was acknowledged even by Canada's national newspaper, The Globe and Mail, never one of his fans. In reaching down with compassion to help these poor Jamaicans, Manley began upsetting the established order and thus stepped on the corns of the privileged, many of whom fled – to Toronto and Miami mainly, and wallowed in bitter recriminations; a few of these new Torontonians went so far as to throw "Blue Book Parties" at which they lit bonfires to burn their blue Jamaican passports.

Some of the well-to-do Jamaicans who remained in Jamaica, simply siphoned their money out of the country and in the process created new intriguing legends about the native creativity and ingenuity of Jamaicans as they sought to outwit the currency cops and export their money.

In one of the more imaginative examples, the story was told of a doctor who arrived at the Norman Manley International airport booked on a flight out of the country. Prominent on his arm was a fresh plaster of Paris cast, sign of a recently broken arm. But the currency cops took one look at him and saw through his scheme. Against his loud protests, they cut and removed the cast, searching for currency. But there was nothing there. The fuming doctor missed his flight. The next day, he was back with a fresh cast, daring the currency cops to make him miss his flight again. This time, sheepishly, they let him through – with hundreds of thousands of dollars in the cast. Or so the story goes.

As it became clearer that Manley's program was directed at the entire population, that not only the usual beneficiaries would reap the political spoils, his political opponents sought to terrorize him out of power. This action began with spectacular fires and shootings in a section of lower St. Andrew called Rose Town in January 1975 at a time when US journalists were present to attend a meeting of the International Monetary Fund. The fires and shooting went on for the better part of two weeks and the ensuing social disruption was splashed lavishly and frequently onto the pages of the US and Canadian press and beamed into living rooms by television.

In September 1976 alone, the Toronto Star alone used up some 800 column inches of space on Jamaica – all of it negative. The Globe and Mail, the Montreal Gazette, the Montreal Star, the Ottawa Citizen, the Ottawa Journal, the Toronto Sun, the New York Times, the Miami Herald, and the wire services were not far behind. In short order, Jamaica became verboten for American tourists. The 1976 tourist season was virtually non-existent.

In their efforts to install a reign of terror in Jamaica, Manley's opponents were supported by money and equipment from the US and anti-Castro Cuban exile groups in Miami. Between 1975 and 1980, vehicles, two-way radios, guns and ammunition, and millions of US dollars flowed into the pockets of the anti-Manley campaigners.

In Canada, a visit by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police to a few Jamaicans in Toronto seemed to be enough to deter their plans to purchase guns and send them off to the Jamaica Labour Party in Kingston. They denied the allegations. "We hate the guy but we were not setting out to kill him," one said. (It is still not clear whether they had made any shipments prior to the visit of the RCMP).


Nevertheless, with or without their help, terror descended on Jamaica. The death toll between 1975 and 1980, in the downtrodden areas of Kingston and lower St. Andrew, was over 2,000, as urban terror was unleashed on People's National Party (PNP) youth group members and party supporters who then tried to retaliate. Superficial commentators - and there are many - point to violent elections under Manley, leaving the impression he instigated the violence.

Significantly, of the 17 general elections between universal adult suffrage in 1944 and 2007, the only ones marked by violence were in 1976 and 1980 - when somebody was trying to terrorize Manley out of power. On the other hand, there was hardly a fuss in 1972 and 1989 when Manley was trying to get into power.

On November 4, 1977, a full-page advertisement was run in the New York Times for the December issue of a popular US magazine, Penthouse. I have kept a laminated copy of that New York Times advertisement. The story that was being promoted in this unusually grand fashion was written by Ernest Volkman and John Cummings, two of America's top investigative journalists. The headline was, "Murder As Usual." The advertisement featured a huge picture of Uncle Sam with a glint in his eye and a loaded gun in his hand. It went on to state:

"Last year, the CIA conspired to assassinate Prime Minister Michael Manley of Jamaica. While official Washington reverberated with mock hysteria over the assassination of Allende of Chile, and indulged in self-castigation and guilt over the covert operations of the CIA, (Secretary of State) Henry Kissinger approved a plan to overthrow yet another government."

In Jamaica, Manley's government played down the story. But it was never refuted by any agency of the US government. Indeed, it is now known that there were at least two attempts on his life. Not only murder as usual, it was also business as usual. For the main reason for the attacks on Manley and Jamaica, was business – US business; specifically, the business of bauxite and alumina which three American companies and one Canadian company were busy mining out of Jamaican soil – for peanuts.

The trouble began when Manley, ever the trade union negotiator, attempted by entirely legal means to get them to increase the pay – from peanuts to cashew nuts. (For an idea of the Armageddon that was unleashed on Jamaica see Michael Manley’s book, "Jamaica: Struggle in the Periphery"). The thing is, up to that time, nobody ever said that the complaints of American bauxite companies constituted the (main) reason for the destabilization. This reason was well camouflaged. Most Jamaicans still have no idea.

Michael was a servant. His sense of service arose from his great love. It could be said of Michael, like Othello, that he was "one who loved – not wisely, but too well." Here, of course, I make no reference to the fact that he married five times. Rather, I speak of his love for his people. His love that reflects the true intent of St. Matthew 25, verse 40 which says,

"Inasmuch as you have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren you have done it unto me."

Michael dedicated his life to the service of his people, especially the downtrodden. This, perhaps, he did too well. This was his Achilles tendon. He later said he recognized this as a problem. But great man that he was he did not stop there. He went on to express regret publicly for this fault, which he acknowledged led to his ignoring other faults.


Michael aroused strong feelings. First it was love and admiration, excitement and enthusiasm. You had to be there in Jamaica when he won in 1972 to understand the euphoria, the intensity of the adulation. All around the island, people were overcome with joy and they went out on the streets in the main towns for three whole days to express their happiness.

Then, like a marriage gone bad, it was, for some after a few years, an equally intense hatred. The arguments will continue. But his death freed him at last from the twin pressures of adulation and animosity. Still, for the entire period between 1972 and his retirement, the opinion polls said he remained the single most popular politician in Jamaica. And so, as Jamaicans still analyse the meaning of his life, their writings bear the unmistakeable signs of stress and a continuing struggle to define him. Yet they all find themselves compelled to "Hail the Man." For it was Manley who gave them a sense of belonging, a sense of pride in themselves. And THAT is his lasting legacy: He held up a mirror of pride to his people. They stared intently in this mirror and believed.

Here then are the voices of two of these believers, quite appropriately in the language of Jamaica. The first is Louise Bennett:

"Dark night got peenie wallie,
Sun-hot got shady tree
Yuh struggles fi human dignity
Tun stalwart victory."

The other is Jennifer Keane-Dawes:

"Missis, when it comes on to dat man, me hab nuff tings fi seh. But the main one is dis. God bless him. Cause if it wasn't fi him dat open the floodgates to university education to poor people, nuff picky-picky head smaddy like meself couldn't tun lawyer, doctor and Indian Chief."

A striking testament on Michael's signal achievement -- what somebody has called "the smaddytization of Jamaica." Ms. Keane-Dawes’ comment on his impact on education is worth a pause. It was his father, Norman Washington Manley, who opened the education floodgates to the children of the masses with one thousand free place scholarships in 1957 for the first time, thus providing a way out of persistent poverty. Michael became Prime Minister in March 1972 and by his 1973 budget extended his father’s efforts by presenting free education to the country, as he put it, “for the first time, at last!”

Central to his thinking was a belief in the capacities of his people, a belief that all ideas should contend freely, and that the greater would prevail. When the assessments come to be made, when they add up the pluses and take away the minuses, the historians will set Michael Manley high on the list of those illustrious servants who have made the greatest impact for good on the people of Jamaica.

While the lavish use of the words "Communism," “Castro,” and “Cuba” opened purse-strings in the US, the main trigger for the US support was that Manley had taken his advocacy for the downtrodden beyond Jamaica, seeking increases for the prices that Third World producer countries received for their goods from consumer countries. Above all, he had upset American bauxite companies in Jamaica, not by "nationalising" bauxite as he was sometimes accused of in US media, but by finding a completely legal means of securing from them improved returns for the bauxite they were extracting daily out of Jamaican soil.

Angry that they now had no recourse through the courts, the companies went complaining to Uncle Sam. And the response came through extra-legal means, hence the increased flow of anti-Manley resources. Hence the assassination attempts. Hence the massive anti-Manley press, both abroad and at home. And so, tired and unwilling to put his people through more of the murder and mayhem that had descended on Jamaica since 1976, he was actually relieved to be kicked out of office in the general elections he called for October 30, 1980.

In short order, massive inflows of aid that had been withheld from the Manley administration by the IMF and the World Bank, came pouring into the Jamaica that was now led by Edward Seaga. Goods that had vanished from the supermarket shelves (and would only appear in brown paper bags to dearly cherished customers) were now once again abundantly available. Consumer goods of all types, models and descriptions flooded the various markets. No longer could the foreign press take photographs of empty grocery shelves; no longer would they turn their TV camera lenses on hopeful blades of grass sprouting between sections of concrete sidewalk in New Kingston and proclaim that this represented a decaying economy. Everything was all right – if you had money. Seaga was riding high.


But there was a price to be paid. President Ronald Reagan, happy that the so-called pro-American, pro-business, Harvard-educated Edward Seaga had taken control of the country, set up something called the Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI) and declared that he was going to make Jamaica, "the showcase of the Caribbean." Hundreds of Americans had taken up residence, jobs and consultancies in post-Manley Jamaica. David Rockefeller of the famous wealthy US family was one of these; he headed a team of Americans "the Rockefeller Committee" who came down to Kingston "to assist Jamaica."

Back in the US, right-wing Americans got the news media including the Wall Street Journal to champion their cause: they wanted Manley's celebrated bauxite levy to be removed and the time had come, at last. An editorial in that paper early in 1980 clearly stated that Seaga would succeed Manley and that he would remove the bauxite levy. But then, even with Seaga now installed as Prime Minister, a curious thing happened on the way to American happiness. Seaga himself failed to remove the levy.

And so, without surprising any Jamaicans, most of whom had quickly dubbed the CBI, the "Caribbean basin-pan" (basin-pan being known as a humble, mostly rural domestic utensil used to facilitate evening ablutions), the aid that had been flowing like a river in spate suddenly dried up. In the mid-1980s, America, which had made Jamaica its Caribbean home, took up its belongings and departed amidst a surprising flood of rabid anti-Seaga commentaries in the US press.

With no more external backative, Seaga's cause was lost. Unlike trade unionists William Alexander Bustamante, Hugh Shearer and Michael Manley, or the deeply respected Norman Washington Manley, all previous national leaders, Seaga drew his support neither from a trade union background nor from either love or towering respect. If Machiavelli was right that the two towering political forces are love and fear, then Seaga's was certainly fear. But the fear he generated was purchased with external support and when it dried up the field was levelled once more. And so, it was that love conquered all. Manley whose main 1972 campaign slogan was
"the word is love," Manley whose love for the Jamaican people was equalled only by their love for him, was returned to power in 1989.

He returned a changed and chastened man. If he now cast his democratic socialism in a new market-driven light, it was still the politics of participation. The new approach, he said, was to embrace the market system in a way that would benefit every Jamaican, not just the 21 rich families who had owned most of the country=s wealth and wielded most of its power.

It soon became obvious that the changed Manley lost much of the youth support he had attracted in 1972. But nobody has been able to calculate how much of the change was the product of intellectual rigour, how much a matter of political pragmatism and how much the simply human reaction of self-preservation after the assassination attempts and the thought of the bitter civil war of the seventies. The one thing that can be said is that filthy lucre had no part in it; Manley may have succumbed to terror, but he was not bought out.

In any event, his own personal lonely struggle to maintain his health now began to intensify. He stepped down in 1992 after spending weeks in a Miami hospital fighting a debilitating double pneumonia. The year before there was word of prostate cancer. For several years before that he had wrestled with a painful and persistent inflammation of the colon known as diverticulitis.

** ** **

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In reply to Ewart

Nice

In reply to Chrissy
Michael "Joshua" Manley
“The Word Is Love” II


Michael Manley won his political spurs lying on his back in the streets of Kingston. It was March 1964 during the 97-day strike of the Jamaica Broadcasting Corporation. As a journalist and trade union leader he had served an important apprenticeship and indeed his communication skills and his compassionate concern for his union members and the downtrodden generally, never left him. He had negotiated some great victories for sugar workers, among others. But, interestingly, it was the JBC strike that brought him dramatically to the attention of Jamaicans on a national scale and made them consider, seriously, the possibility that he would be the best replacement for his father, Opposition leader Norman Manley.

Interestingly, middle-class Jamaicans ignored trade unionism entirely, looking down at it as something not for them but for the masses of unskilled and newly-skilled labourers. And yet here it was; Jamaica=s first white-collar strike. Middle-class workers were employing working-class tactics for the first time, and there was Michael Manley, the darling of the upper St. Andrew types, right in the middle of it. Noting the successes that civil disobedience was winning for the Civil Rights movement in the US, Michael Manley dramatised the situation by going to lie down on the streets with the JBC workers and blocking traffic on King Street, Kingston=s main thoroughfare, at the morning peak on Saturday, the busiest shopping day of the week. This ploy, along with a strategic roadblock of the main road to the airport by staging a rally at Rockfort worked very well. Michael moved from simply being Norman Manley=s son to become a national figure in his own right.

But he did not stop there. He quickly became an international figure. When in 1974 he set up the International Bauxite Agreement (IBA) in Jamaica, it roused fears in the US that he wanted to establish a trade union of the poor countries and set up a bauxite cartel, much like OPEC, the Middle East=s oil cartel, a few years earlier. (Indeed, Isiah A. Litvak and Christopher Maule note that the IBA's success was second only to OPEC, even though they caution that some members of the IBA were more "successful" than others, some of whom could actually conclude that for them the IBA was a failure). Like Pierre Elliot Trudeau, Manley talked about Aa just society.@ Like Nyerere, he preached self-reliance.

But there was no greater champion of a New International Economic Order, a goal Manley pursued relentlessly. Manley"s "just society" was not confined to Jamaica; it was aimed at the world, with the poor countries and poor people of the world as beneficiaries. And on learning of his death every self-respecting newspaper in the world ran a substantial obituary.

When he took over the PNP in 1969, he became Leader of the Opposition and immediately set up various Task Forces to work on some of the pressing problems facing the nation. One of these was a Task Force on bauxite. The Task Force was led by a captain of industry in the person of Meyer Matalon, scion of the powerful Matalon family, and it comprised businessmen and civil servants. Its objective was to persuade the North American bauxite companies to pay more for the bauxite they were mining in Jamaica, or if that did not work, to find a way to secure better income from bauxite mining. At least two of those members, Carlton Davis and Pat Rousseau, wrote books on their experience and Carlton Davis’ book is published in three volumes.

In other words they thought this was something to write about. And it was. The bauxite companies stalled. They protested that they were not making a profit. But they refused to show their books. And when the Task Force finally gave up on them and drew up the bauxite levy, one of the companies filed a law suit which it eventually won but in which the damages were so minimal, it was tantamount to a loss. They then secured the assistance of the Department of Commerce, the State Department and the CIA. And that is a story by itself.


But it is the 1972 election that is riveted in the memory. It provided an excellent pointer to the path Michael Manley would take. His election campaign was replete with slogans such as, "Power to the People", "The Politics of Participation," “A Government of Truth” and AThe Word is Love@. For years, members of the PNP had felt that they were not fairly represented by what was then the island=s only daily newspaper, the Daily Gleaner. And so, when Michael took over the party leadership in 1969, the question uppermost in his mind was how to communicate his message. The solution he came up with was a stroke of pure genius. While the Gleaner was a highly respected institution and opinion leader, it had two practical drawbacks, even omitting the charge of political bias. First, it did not reach all strata of the population and second, even if it did, there were many people who could not read. What were the other media? There was radio and television and, ah yes, there were the sound systems - popular, loud and portable channels of dance music. Jamaican popular music which had burst forth in the years following independence in 1962 had developed a phase of trenchant social commentary starting with "Carry Go Bring Come" by Justin Hinds and the Dominoes. By the late sixties, as disaffection with the JLP spread, several of these songs emerged, the best known of which were Delroy Wilson's "Better Must Come," and Alton Ellis' "Lord, Deliver Us."

Shearer's government was in the midst of a banning spree - banning books, banning people from visiting Cuba and certain other countries and taking away their passports if they did, banning Guyanese lecturer Walter Rodney from returning to his job at the University of the West Indies in Jamaica after he took part in the 1968 Black Writers Conference in Montreal.

In this climate, with Seaga as Minister in charge of culture, the Shearer JLP Government also banned these protest songs from radio. This banning did not render the songs any less popular, however, and Manley seized the initiative. True to his policy of "the politics of participation," he organized a bandwagon (or was it banned wagon?) that went from town to town with the banned songs.

To the delight of the people, the bandwagon not only played the banned songs but presented the singers themselves live. It was like a fresh wind blowing through Jamaica. As a sort of brawta, Manley added himself as campaigning political speaker, complete with "The Rod of Correction," a carved walking stick he had received as a present from no less mystical a figure than Emperor Haile Selassie 1, ruler of Ethiopia, and the man Rastafarians believe is their God. The whole thing proved to be a powerful and magnetic recipe for success.

When the musicians discovered that crowds were thronging this new outlet for their music, they became freshly enthused and wrote more songs. Now it was Max Romeo with "Let the Power Fall On I", then Junior Byles with "Beat Down Babylon", and then Peter Tosh joined in with "Dem Haffi Get a Beating." This last began, "I can stand this no longer, The wicked get stronger" and continued, "Don't you wait til your back is against the wall, Just one step for progress and I know Jah will help us all."

Interestingly, while Bob Marley participated in the bandwagon, he did not jump on it – his only commentary on party politics, "Rat Race" ("Don't involve Rasta in your seh-seh, Rasta don't work for no CIA") being released much later.

The whole country was now enthralled. Indeed, the bandwagon worked so well that Manley himself went on wax. It was a 45 rpm record, "Power to the People". With music and an introduction by well-known singer-producer Clancy Eccles, Manley set out his political philosophy in a rousing campaign speech. Beginning with a declaration that Jamaica was "a society in crisis", he went on to declare his passionate opposition to communism, all forms of totalitarianism and corruption. He invited young, talented people to come and join in his crusade to save Jamaica from the crisis. It was the first time that any politician had actually made a record, and the impact was monumental.


And so it was that on the morning of March 1, 1972, after Manley's overwhelming landslide victory on the night of February 29, despite the fact that the Government had not yet officially changed hands, Jamaica was greeted with the amazing sound of their radios playing "Hail The Man" sung by uptowner Ken Lazarus, and "Free at Last" by downtowner Clancy Eccles, bold tributes to Manley and his victory.

There had indeed been restrictions on freedom of speech with Radio Jamaica having to submit its licence every year instead of every five years, for renewal. But, after all, who was going to fire the Dee-jays now? For three whole days, the country bathed itself lavishly in adulation and euphoria. Hail the Man, a very upbeat song written by Ernie Smith and sung by both him and Ken Lazarus, was decorated with two of Manley=s Rasta-inspired salutations of the election campaign. One was "The word is love" and the other was "Hail the man."

Hail The Man

What can you say
To the coming of a brand new day
When the shadows are falling away
Even from the eyes of yore
Express it if you might
As the passing of the night
And the coming of the light
Through a brand new door
How can you tell
Everybody everything will be well
And the sound of the splitting of the bell
Is just too good to ignore
I say, Hail the man,
That's your brother on the street

I say Hail the man, every time we meet
Hail your brother, equal man,
Hail your sister, shake her hand
It is a brand new day
And what we really have to say
Is love, love, love, love.
I say, hail the man equal man
Hail your sister, shake her hand
It is a brand new day
And what we really really have to say
Is love, love love.

The lyric of Hail The Man also reverberates with a sense of transition - from darkness into light, from a caged existence, through a door into freedom.

** ** **

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In reply to Ewart

Keep it coming bro

By the way Churchill was involved in the coup against Cheddi - that was in the Guardian last year but we knew that ages ago. Then Kennedy was involved - the files have been open for years

In reply to Ewart

In reply to Khaga

ever notice nutting is named after any hinjun who played for the CWI

ah wonder why ?

In reply to Khaga

Yuh should have watched West Indies batting - Hoops and Lara were sweet fi days.

Chanderpaul was in dat match -made fifty two - I was at Sabina every day

In reply to Ewart

In reply to Khaga

Thanks for the fact-checking.

You are right. Indeed something does not add up. March 6 was a Thursday and the day the Test started but I have always been under the impression that India took first strike and lost only 2 wickets at close of play.

I will certainly have to revise my text.

Thanks again.




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In reply to Ewart

A lot biased information with a lot of claim without evidence yet YOU curse Donald Trump.

Manley attacked the media with as much hostility as Trump is doing.

He made public he would attack capitalism meaning the USA.

He wrecked Jamaica's economy from which that country has yet to recover.